  
Probe Ministries
Disillusionment in the 1990's
Kerby Anderson
The changing social and economic conditions of the 1990s are
turning this into the decade of disillusionment. Millions of baby
boomers who grew up in a world that fed and nurtured their
expectations are facing a world much different than the one in
which they were raised. This crisis of disillusionment could also
be called a crisis of "broken promises," since the boomers came to
expect that they would in adulthood be privileged to enjoy the
fruits of the American dream. Instead, they are tasting the bitter
fruit of despair and disillusionment.
The seeds of these circumstances were sown in earlier decades.
During the 1980s, they took root and grew, creating a different set
of circumstances for this generation in the 1990s.
Leading-Edge Versus Trailing-Edge Boomers
Although these circumstances have affected all baby boomers, they
have hit one segment of the boom much harder than the others: the
trailing edge. The members of this generation, born during the
boom's later years (1955-1964), have not fared as well as their
older brothers and sisters. The reason is simple; they were born
later.
Psychologist Kevin Leman has written about the effects of birth-
order in a single family. The oldest child tends to be serious,
responsible, even driven. The youngest child tends to be more
carefree--sometimes even the family comic. The order of birth in a
single family can often be a great predictor of personality
traits.
Paul Light, in his book Baby Boomers, observes that
"generations may be subject to the same kinds of birth-order
effects that social psychologists find in families." Just as the
first-born in a family receives a disproportionate amount of
parental attention and nurturance, so first-born boomers received
a disproportionate amount of societal attention and privilege.
The leading edge boomers were the first to college, the first to
the jobs, and the first to the houses. In the American "first come-
first serve" economy, the leading edge found better jobs, better
opportunities for career advancement, and better house prices. The
trailing edge found just the opposite.
For example, take house prices. A couple that bought a house before
inflation and interest rates increased would be better off
financially than a couple that bought a house with an inflated
price. The leading edge bought houses before the prices went
through the roof. They invested in an appreciating asset. By
contrast, the trailing edge bought (or tried to buy) houses that
were already inflated. Often just coming up with the down payment
was difficult if not impossible.
In general, the earlier someone was born, the better are his or her
chances of succeeding in the economy. Anyone who doubts the trend
need only watch the devastating impact these economic forces are
having on the generation following the baby boom. Many "baby
busters" cannot find a job that pays them enough to enable them to
leave their parents' home. Buying homes of their own seems like the
impossible dream.
Actually the seeds of this current disillusionment were sown in the
1960s and 1970s. These later-born boomers were not reared in the
optimism of the Eisenhower and Kennedy years. Camelot was an
historical footnote. During their "Wonder Years" they experienced
the assassinations of John Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Jr., and
Robert Kennedy. They grew up during the Vietnam War. They saw anti-
war protests on nightly television. Leading-edge boomers saw their
idyllic visions unravel in the late 60s, but they still retained
their childhood memories of a world of affluence and optimism. By
contrast, trailing-edge boomers growing up in the 1960s saw a
different world--a world of shattered dreams and discordant
images.
While older boomers grew up in relatively stable families, younger
boomers saw the divorce rate climb to unprecedented levels.
Television shows about traditional families like the Andersons and
the Cleavers were replaced by sitcoms about single parents like
Julia and blended families like The Brady Bunch.
By the time boomers hit the job market, wages had stagnated.
National attention on a potential energy crisis, an Arab oil
embargo, and governmental attempts to control inflation made a bad
economy worse. Prime entry-level jobs were hard to find and chances
for career advancement seemed slim. Inflation peaked at 18 percent
in 1979, and unemployment reached 11 percent in 1982--the highest
level since before World War II. These certainly were not
the "Wonder Years."
Yet through the 1980s, boomer optimism buoyed spirits that perhaps
tomorrow would be better, like it had been for their parents. Mom
and Dad struggled through the Great Depression and survived World
War II to build a better life. Boomers hoped that the same would be
true for them. But, for many, better never came, and they are
facing an impending crisis of disillusionment in the 1990s.
Yuppies and Yuffies
Social commentators, always looking for new acronyms to describe
portions of the population, dubbed these boomers "Yuffies": young,
urban failures. Just as the name "yuppie" lacked demographic
precision, so also the term "yuffie" is imprecise. Nevertheless,
the term reinforces a point made in previous programs. Not all baby
boomers are yuppies. Just the opposite. Most baby boomers are
coming face-to-face with disillusionment and downward mobility.
Definitions used in 1985 to describe yuppies and yuffies illustrate
the point. Yuppies were defined as 25- to 39-year-olds who live in
metropolitan areas, work in professional or managerial occupations,
and earn at least $30,000 if living alone and $40,000 if married or
living with someone else. Using that definition, there were only
four million yuppies in 1985--constituting just 5 percent of all
baby boomers.
Yuffies were defined as baby boomers making less than $10,000 a
year. Although that definition seemed much too restrictive in terms
of income, it still defined a full 40 percent of the baby boom
generation. In 1985, yuffies were roughly eight times as numerous
as yuppies.
In the 1990s the trend is continuing. A generation reared with
great expectations must now come to grips with the reality of
downward mobility.
Home Bittersweet Home
While the American dream has meant different things to different
people, certainly one of the most universal, deeply-held parts of
the dream has been owning a home. A Roper Organization survey in
1989 reported that nearly nine out of ten adults listed "a home
that you own" as part of the life they would like to have. This was
nine percentage points ahead of a happy marriage and fourteen
points ahead of a car or children.
Not only is home ownership part of the American dream; it is part
of the American fantasy. A nationwide survey by Spiegel Inc. found
that one out of ten Americans fantasizes about the "house of their
dreams" every single day. The dream house has four bedrooms, three
bathrooms, two fireplaces, seven closets, three televisions, four
telephones, and is a short stroll from the beach. Other amenities
include a media/entertainment center, an exercise facility, a
library, a spa/whirlpool, a home office, and an indoor/outdoor
pool.
If this characterization of American home fantasies is even close
to accurate, no wonder more and more boomers are facing a crisis of
broken promises. The American economy simply did not deliver. The
dream of owning your own home is a relatively recent one. In 1946--
the year the baby boom began--the majority of Americans were
renters. Yet within one generation, more than two-thirds of
Americans became home owners. The boom generation, growing up in
the midst of this significant transition, came to see home
ownership as a right rather than a privilege.
But the housing crunch in the 1970s began to change that
perception. When the baby boom generation headed out into the world
upon graduation, they found stagnant wages and increasing house
prices. Both phenomena were due to the size of the baby boom
generation. American couples could create millions of babies every
year during the baby boom, but the American economy could not
create millions of new jobs and millions of new homes in the 1970s.
The sheer size of the generation was only one reason for rising
home prices. The living patterns of this generation exacerbated the
problem. Three lifestyle patterns are especially relevant. First,
baby boomers left the nest earlier than any other generation. Many
left for college and never returned home but instead began looking
for homes of their own. Second, boomers stayed single longer.
Unlike their parents, who married early and then purchased houses,
boomers in the 1970s often bought houses as singles, thereby
creating an even greater demand on the housing market. Finally,
boomers had higher divorce rates. This trend also created more
demand for housing than would have occurred if they had assumed the
lifestyle of their parents.
These three patterns converged to increase demand on housing. From
1960 to 1980, the total number of households grew by at least 10
million each decade. To put this dramatic increase in perspective,
the rate of increase for households was three times faster than
that of the population as a whole.
Another reason for the increased cost of home ownership involved
the changing perception of a home as an investment. The tax
advantage of owning a home in the 1970s and early 1980s was
compelling. When the federal income tax was first enacted in 1913,
"interest on indebtedness" was exempt. Therefore, a home owner
receives a mortgage-interest deduction--effectively a tax subsidy
for owning a house rather than renting an apartment. On the other
hand, a renter must pay for his apartment with after-tax dollars,
and any return from his savings is subject to taxation.
Suddenly, people who would not have normally considered owning a
house (singles, couples who preferred apartment living, etc.) were
buying homes in record numbers simply because they were good
investments. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, net increases
in home owner equity were more than three times larger than total
personal savings out of income.
Soon the frenzy became a self-fulfilling prophecy. Rising home
prices seemed like a good way to beat inflation. The increased
demand drove prices even higher, spurring even more demand.
According to one writer,
They bought and sold homes like traders in the pork-
belly pit. It was the 1980s, and hundreds of thousands of baby
boomers, two-income-couples with ready access to credit, were
buying New York real estate.
Taken together, all of these factors worked to price many couples
out of the housing market. To illustrate the impact, compare the
difference between buying a new home in 1949 and buying a house in
the 1980s. In 1949, a 30-year-old man purchasing a median-priced
house only needed to commit 14 percent of his income. A new "Cape
Cod" house in Levittown, New York, went for just $7,990.
By 1983, the convergence of the various factors already mentioned
radically altered the equation. Now a 30-year-old man needed to
commit 44 percent of his income to meet the carrying charges on a
median-priced house. That same year, 65 percent of all first-time
home buyers needed two paychecks to meet their monthly payments.
The demographics of first time home buyers in 1989 further
illustrate this point. The median home price for first-time buyers
went over the $100,000 mark (actually $105,200) in that year. The
average first-time buyer was nearly thirty-something (29.6), and
most first-time buyers (87%) needed dual-incomes to qualify. The
prospects for a typical renter to become an homeowner are
discouraging. Apartment rents stabilized during the late 1980s, but
at record high levels. Only four out of ten young renters had
sufficient income to qualify for the mortgage on a median "starter
house." Coming up with a down payment was no easier. According to
Harvard University's Joint Center for Housing Studies, even with a
10 percent down payment mortgage, only 20 percent of white renters
and 4 percent of black renters can afford a typical starter house.
Careers in Crisis
Although boomers saw their parent's salaries and job opportunities
increase, this has not been the case for them. Wages stagnated in
1973, thus reducing boomer earning potential. By the end of the
1970s, Fortune magazine estimated that baby boomers had
effectively lost ten years' income when compared with the earnings
of the generation just preceding them.
In the 1970s and 1980s, many couples were able to cope with
declining wages by living off two incomes. Many middle-class
couples compensated primarily due to the strength of the wife's
increased income since men's earnings remained relatively flat
during this period. But even the wife's additional income could not
forestall the economic impact on families. Young families with two
paychecks today earn about the same as a couple that lived only on
the husband's salary in the 1970s.
The problem intensified in the 1990s. The size of the boom
generation caused part of the problem. The resulting discrepancy
between job supply and job demand first affected the number of
entry-level positions that baby boomers could find.
Now boomers find themselves competing for increasingly scarce
management-level positions. As one rises in the corporation, the
number of management positions decreases as the corporate pyramid
narrows. In the early 1980s, economists were writing about the
presence of too many people vying for too few management-level
positions, causing a bottleneck at the middle management level.
Changes in the corporate world throughout the 1980s exacerbated the
problem. "Downsizing," "streamlining," and "merging" are just a few
of the terms used to describe the twisting of the corporate pyramid
into an almost unrecognizable polygon. Driven by the twin goals of
improving productivity and enhancing a company's ability to
compete, major corporations have eliminated whole levels of middle
and upper management.
This generation often finds itself facing two dismal prospects:
career plateauing and the potential of a mid-life layoff.
Belt-tightening measures in the 1980s forced employees to be
content with lower wages and smaller wage increases. One research
economist predicts that "Salaries will probably barely keep up with
the cost of living and taxes....I think we're looking at very
modest wage increases in the 1990s." For a generation raised on
high expectations, the reality of lower wages and fewer and smaller
increases can lead to disillusionment.
Although the conclusion may seem like bad news for society as a
whole, I believe that it is good news for the church of Jesus
Christ. This generation has effectively turned its back on the
gospel, in part because it has had it so good. Boomers didn't feel
like they needed anyone or anything. Now that they are coming to
grips with discouragement and disillusionment, they may be more
open to the gospel. If that is so, then churches and individual
Christians can use the trends in our society to maximize their
influence for Jesus Christ.
© 1991 Probe Ministries
About the Author
Kerby Anderson is the president of Probe
Ministries International. He received his B.S. from Oregon State
University, M.F.S. from Yale University, and M.A. from Georgetown
University. He is the author of several books, including Genetic
Engineering, Origin Science, Living Ethically in the 90s, Signs of
Warning, Signs of Hope, and Moral Dilemmas. He also
served as general editor for Marriage, Family and Sexuality.
He is a nationally syndicated columnist whose editorials have
appeared in the Dallas Morning News, the Miami
Herald, the San Jose Mercury, and the Houston
Post.
He is the host of "Probe," and frequently serves as guest host on
"Point of View" (USA Radio Network). He can be reached via e-mail
at kerby@probe.org.
What is Probe?
Probe Ministries is a non-profit corporation whose mission is to reclaim the
primacy of Christian thought and values in Western culture through media,
education, and literature. In seeking to accomplish this mission, Probe provides
perspective on the integration of the academic disciplines and historic
Christianity.
In addition, Probe acts as a clearing house, communicating the results of
its research to the church and society at large.
Further information about Probe's materials and ministry may be obtained by
writing to:
Probe Ministries
1900 Firman Drive, Suite 100
Richardson, TX 75081
(972) 480-0240 FAX (972) 644-9664
info@probe.org
www.probe.org
Copyright (C) 1996-2008 Probe Ministries
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Updated: 14 July 2002
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